H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni,
H. E. Mwai Kibaki
Att: Excellencies IGAD Head of states.
Chairman of IGAD Ministerial Committee.
by Somali Leaders' Committee
would like to bring to your Excellencies attention and other involved
stakeholders that this Conference was successfully concluded on September
15, 2003 (Adoption of Transitional Federal Charter). It is, therefore
our view that runners with strange agenda deliberately sowed the seeds
of sedition to its current scrape. Our diligent stay in the Conference
for the last 18 months clearly shows our perseverance and genuine commitment
towards finding a workable solution for the plight that has befallen
upon our nation.
To our dismay, this proposed roadmap does not take into account the substantive issues that plague the continuation of the Somali Peace Process. The roadmap is neither conciliatory nor a catalyst in sewing the messy affairs of this conference. It is full of contradictory statements and stratum of interdependent pledges with discretionary dates. Anomalous adventures inform it to the detriment of shoring up the distraught Peace Process. It undermines the role of the official delegates (366) who were the bedrock of this Conference from inception. At the same time the roadmap anticipates the fresh assemblage of unknown and unofficial proposed delegates (constituent politicians) to be selected by traditional elders and political leaders who are yet to come to the conference and who oppose the whole thrust of the proposal.
This clearly implies that the conference is being reassigned back to the boardroom for a new beginning as the very criteria of representation, which has been dealt with in Phase I, is now open to question. Yet, under the same breath the statement talks about the beginning of Phase III. If the criteria of representation (Phase I) is subject to revision, and the number of the delegates stipulated by the charter (Phase II) are now reducible, it clearly indicates that we do not have a final closure handy in neither of these historic achievements by the Conference. It only follows therefore, that this roadmap does not sway minds in its claim of auguring the beginning of Phase III.
It talks about financial constraint and budgetary deficit that made the reduction of the number of delegates inevitable and the arbitrary dates workable. The message is loud and clear that we are overstayed guests here as IGAD has depleted the financial resources that were available for our provisions. While we can be persuaded that money alone might be the rationale behind the ills of this Process, it is a hard sell that money can also be the single cure of this Conference.
Since the ownership of the whole process is not in our hands but driven by impositions of instructive statements, the tents of the roadmap concur with what we have been asserting all along that IGAD is in the plot of sidetracking the formation of a broad-based government in Somalia. We are under the impression that securing more funds for the process would not have been a problem had it not been the management of IGAD playing a ricochet game in facilitating the proceedings of the Conference. Even if one vouches for that argument, it is enough reason to impulsively imperil whatever has been achieved thus far.
With these concerns in mind, the way forward can be thought of within the confines of the following options:
1. Continue the peace process: